When politics enters the courtroom, then though the other doors exits justice.
Adam Michnik, Polish Intellectual
November 7-8 2009
1. Introduction
This posting deals with the issue of how governments and the senior judiciary politically interfere with the course of justice in the trial courts. The following represent four different situations where goverement and ssenior political beliefs affected the course of justice.
21. The rough upper limit of personal injury damages
A posting of 6 December 2007 discussed the 1978 reasons of the Supreme Court of Canada (the SCC). They set a rough upper limit of damages of $100,000 for three plaintiffs who suffered catastrophic injuries caused by the defendants’ negligence.
Without mentioning any studies or referring to any trial evidence, the SCC based its decision on unproven facts stating that:
- 1. large awards of general damages are a "social burden" on society;
- 2. the area is open to wildly excessive claims;
- 3. awards in the United States have soared to dramatically high levels in recent year.
The SCC is an appellate court. It does not see and hear witnesses testify. Therefore, it cannot find facts. It must reach a decision based on the facts found by the trial judge or jury. Then and now, common and statute law states that the amount of damages is a "question of fact." The SCC ignored this law in its rush to judgment. Had trial judges written such a decision they would have been severely criticized by the appellate courts for their lack of scholarship and relying on their private political prejudices. The allegation of soaring general damage awards in the U.S. has no foundation in fact. In 1978 the average for general damage awards was around $5,000.
The $100,000 figure adjusted for inflation represents the maximum any plaintiff may recover for pain and suffering. Those with less severe injuries have their awards scaled downwards to reflect the $100,000 maximum.
The 1978 decision of the SCC brought judicial politics into the courtroom. When it did, justice went out the back door. Since 1978, hundreds of thousands of injured plaintiffs have been deprived of a reasonable award of damages by the SCC political ruling.
3. B.C. Government civil procedural rules and tariffs of fees
B.C. Provincial government cabinet ministers (politicians) enact the rules of court for the Supreme Court of British Columbia. To the best of my knowledge, when the Cabinet met to approve the new Rules effective 2010, the Attorney General was present to support his proposal. Those who did not agree with many of the rules and the failure of the AG to examine other jurisdictions were not invited. Politics entered the Cabinet room and justice exited another door
The B.C. Cabinet also set the tariff of filing fees, hearing fees and jury fees that B.C. litigants must pay to access the civil justice system. For example, a 10 day civil jury trial costs the loser about $10,540. Similar fees in Seattle’s Superior Court would be about $480. The B.C. Attorney General’s office describes the B.C. fees as "Affordable" justice.
The Lord Chief Justice of England recently said: "... there will be mayhem if ordinary members of the public are priced out of the civil court system ... access to civil justice is a fundamental principle of society and if denied people could resort to a brick through windows or worse. If changes are not made, then only the wealthy or big corporations will be able to take action and that is not acceptable."
By their indifference to the civil justice system, B.C. politicians have made the civil justice system so expensive that they pushed justice out the back door of the courtrooms.
4. Charter of Rights issues
In 1982, the British government amended our Constitution by adding a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It had the effect of turning judges into politicians where there was a Charter issue.
On the one hand the Charter was a noble idea because it tended to restrain law makers from enacting legislation that interfered with the normal rights of Canadians. On the down side, it turned judges into politicians. The ultimate decision maker on Charter issues is the SCC. Its political views might be quite different from those of the lower courts.
Often, the political application of a Charter right pushes justice out the backdoor of the courtroom when judicial decisions are reached based on judges’ political preferences.
5. Criminal law – time from arrest to trial
In the infamous 1990 criminal case of R. v. Askov the SCC applied political guesswork when reaching its decision. The Charter says any person charged with an offence has the right to be tried within a reasonable time. The issue in Askov was what is a reasonable time?The SCC decided that a reasonable time limit was around 18 months from the time of arrest. It did not commission any studies to ascertain the state of the case processing systems in provincial criminal trial courts across Canada. The 18 month limitation was a political figure snatched out of thin air.
It turned out that thousands of cases across Canada had not gotten to trial within that 18 month deadline. They had to be dismissed. Defendants did not have to face justice: victims were denied the justice that many deserved.
This is one more example of private judicial politics entering the courtroom and justice exiting through the other door.
Bottom Line:
- To bring consistency in damage awards, other jurisdictions allow trial judges to add or decrease the amount of any jury award. That decision is subject to appeal. This assists the parties in reaching a settlement and avoiding the costs of an appeal and a new trial.
- Before ordering a new trial on the issue of damages, the test in the appellate courts should be whether the award was a miscarriage of justice: a grossly unfair amount; either too high or too low
- To provide B.C. litigants with access to the civil justice system the fee schedule should be based on the 1960 schedule adjusted for inflation.
- Most Charter issues should only be decided on studies and research papers, not on personal judicial political leanings
- American criminal courts have case disposition standards of resolving 90% of the criminal cases within 120 days or fewer after arrest; 98% within 180 days or fewer and 100% within 356 days or fewer. Canadian courts have no standards. A rough guess is that most Canadian criminal jury cases are resolved within three to five years from the time of arrest. Canada should adopt the American standards.
17 November 2009
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